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<!--Generated by Squarespace Site Server v5.11.5 (http://www.squarespace.com/) on Tue, 07 Sep 2010 21:24:13 GMT--><feed xmlns="http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/"><title>Realitybase Journal</title><subtitle>Journal</subtitle><id>http://www.realitybase.org/journal/</id><link rel="alternate" type="application/xhtml+xml" href="http://www.realitybase.org/journal/"/><link rel="self" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://www.realitybase.org/journal/atom.xml"/><updated>2010-09-07T17:30:26Z</updated><generator uri="http://www.squarespace.com/" version="Squarespace Site Server v5.11.5 (http://www.squarespace.com/)">Squarespace</generator><entry><title>Still here</title><id>http://www.realitybase.org/journal/2010/8/17/still-here.html</id><link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.realitybase.org/journal/2010/8/17/still-here.html"/><author><name>Skeptic</name></author><published>2010-08-17T21:48:49Z</published><updated>2010-08-17T21:48:49Z</updated><content type="html" xml:lang="en-US"><![CDATA[<p>I haven't posted for more than two weeks primarily because my computer broke and isn't yet fixed.&nbsp; I can get to the internet with my backup machine, but my drafts, backup materials, RSS feeds, etc. are all on the broken machine.&nbsp; I don't expect to get it back before August 20.&nbsp; Perhaps I'll have something to post next week.&nbsp;</p>]]></content></entry><entry><title>If trade liberalization makes America better off, how much better off?</title><category term="Free trade"/><category term="Globalization"/><id>http://www.realitybase.org/journal/2010/7/28/if-trade-liberalization-makes-america-better-off-how-much-be.html</id><link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.realitybase.org/journal/2010/7/28/if-trade-liberalization-makes-america-better-off-how-much-be.html"/><author><name>Skeptic</name></author><published>2010-07-28T23:32:38Z</published><updated>2010-07-28T23:32:38Z</updated><content type="html" xml:lang="en-US"><![CDATA[<p>Yves Smith is on vacation and has rerun <a href="http://www.nakedcapitalism.com/2010/07/summer-rerun-dani-rodrik-looks-at-the-free-trade-math-and-finds-some-of-it-wanting.html">here</a> an excellent post from 2007 discussing estimates of how much trade liberalization may increase GDP.&nbsp; She draws from a <a href="http://rodrik.typepad.com/dani_rodriks_weblog/2007/05/the_globalizati.html">Dani Rodrik post</a> showing deep flaws in the work of Bradford, <em>et al</em>.  who presented large estimates of gains from trade liberalization.&nbsp; What gives the Bradford<em> </em>work public policy significance is that it had been cited approvingly by Ben Bernanke in a then-recent speech. Smith also did some of her own analysis and linked to other work calculating  total US gains as low as 0.1% of GDP from fully open global merchandise trade. <strong>That's the upside when the real world is functioning as imagined, not  with its actual imperfections.&nbsp;</strong></p>
<p>The Smith/Rodrik work aligns with Paul Krugman who is <a href="http://www.princeton.edu/%7Epkrugman/The%20one-minute%20trade%20policy%20theorist.pdf">telling current students</a> this:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>1. Major growth effects from trade policy, if they exist, must come  from unconventional channels. Conventional trade theory DOES NOT  justify claims of huge positive payoffs from free trade.</p>
<p>2.&nbsp; In the politics of trade policy, distributional effects can easily swamp concerns about efficiency.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>(Emphasis in original.)&nbsp; It's worth keeping in mind that Krugman's Nobel Prize was for his contributions to modern trade theory.&nbsp;</p>
<ol> </ol>
<p>The gains from trade liberalization--if they are there at  all--come at the social and economic cost of shifting distribution of income and wealth away  from ordinary Americans and to capital and MNCs.&nbsp; ﻿Clearly, we paid those costs, but whether there were any overall gains is questionable at best.&nbsp;</p>]]></content></entry><entry><title>The interests of nation-states and global companies have diverged.</title><category term="Economics"/><category term="Globalization"/><id>http://www.realitybase.org/journal/2010/7/24/the-interests-of-nation-states-and-global-companies-have-div.html</id><link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.realitybase.org/journal/2010/7/24/the-interests-of-nation-states-and-global-companies-have-div.html"/><author><name>Skeptic</name></author><published>2010-07-24T19:52:39Z</published><updated>2010-07-24T19:52:39Z</updated><content type="html" xml:lang="en-US"><![CDATA[<p>There was a time when the fortunes of the biggest companies rose and fell with the fortunes of their home nations.&nbsp; That is why <span>Charlie Wilson could credibly say</span> in 1953 that "<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charles_Erwin_Wilson">What's good for General Motors is good for the country</a>," and why it would have been hard to imagine GM wanting to weaken America economically or in any other way.&nbsp; However, those days are gone, <a href="http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,2005849,00.html">says Zachary Karabell</a> in <em>Time</em> magazine's Curious Capitalist column.</p>
<blockquote>
<p>The companies of the S&amp;P 500 now make about half of their sales  outside the U.S., and if you remove geography-bound utilities and  railroads, regional banks and a fair number of retailers, the percentage  is higher. Tech and industrial firms such as 3M, Hewlett-Packard and  Intel derive two-thirds or more of their sales beyond the U.S. That  means that even if the U.S. economy is a total wash, they can access  other markets to maintain their growth. The same might be said of a  German conglomerate like Siemens, a Dutch powerhouse like Philips or a  Korean company like Samsung.</p>
</blockquote>
<div style="overflow: hidden; color: #000000; background-color: transparent; text-align: left; text-decoration: none; border: medium none;">These global companies can be very profitable even if the economy in their "home" nation is in the dumper. A rise in their earnings and stock prices is no longer a leading indicator for an economic recovery at home.&nbsp; They do not need to support national policies that are good for the economy as a whole, or for the broad population or the government itself.&nbsp; Indeed, such policies are likely to be antithetical to the interests of these companies.&nbsp; Karabell concludes:</div>
<blockquote>
<p>As companies report their earnings for the second quarter of 2010, it  will be harder than ever to escape the fact that corporations now  inhabit their own thriving economy, unencumbered by many of the ills of  nation-states. That may be exhilarating (if you're an investor) or  troubling (if you're a citizen), but either way, it's time to let go of  the false belief that as goes the economy, so go companies and their  stocks.</p>
</blockquote>]]></content></entry><entry><title>Keeping Senatorial candidates under a microscope 24/7</title><category term="Politics"/><id>http://www.realitybase.org/journal/2010/7/22/keeping-senatorial-candidates-under-a-microscope-247.html</id><link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.realitybase.org/journal/2010/7/22/keeping-senatorial-candidates-under-a-microscope-247.html"/><author><name>Skeptic</name></author><published>2010-07-22T23:58:33Z</published><updated>2010-07-22T23:58:33Z</updated><content type="html" xml:lang="en-US"><![CDATA[<p>The Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee has launched a very clever and cheap negative campaigning tactic.&nbsp; At <a href="http://www.dscc.org/gopquotes"><em>We Couldn't Make This Stuff Up--Republicans in Their Own Words</em></a>, is a US map which, if you click on a State, opens quotations of stupid, outrageous, or goofy things the GOP Senate candidate in that State has said.&nbsp; You can even sign up to get text message updates of candidates working against themselves. One thing that seems attractive about this text subscription is that you'll (presumably) get only the juicy bits that you can laugh at or get outraged about, and can enjoy passing on virally without including a lot dull stuff and, dare one hope, without a DSCC plea for money.&nbsp; Presumably, this doesn't reach directly swing voters in large numbers, although they may get the quotations virally, but I would think this has great potential to help energize the base.&nbsp; Me?&nbsp; I've turned off the text message service on my mobile phone.&nbsp;</p>]]></content></entry><entry><title>“I believe in order to understand.”</title><category term="Epistemology"/><id>http://www.realitybase.org/journal/2010/7/20/i-believe-in-order-to-understand.html</id><link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.realitybase.org/journal/2010/7/20/i-believe-in-order-to-understand.html"/><author><name>Skeptic</name></author><published>2010-07-20T18:36:29Z</published><updated>2010-07-20T18:36:29Z</updated><content type="html" xml:lang="en-US"><![CDATA[<p>The title quotation is usually <a href="http://cshayden.blogspot.com/2005/05/credo-ut-intelligam.html">attributed</a> to early Christian philosophers St. Augustine and St. Anslem who stressed faith over reason in that great philosophical debate, but I'm more interested in Spinoza's version that belief is the first step in the process of reasoning. Disagreeing with Descartes, Spinoza argued that the way our minds work on new ideas is a two-step process&mdash;first, accept a statement as true, <em>i.e</em>., believe it, and then in a second process, which may not occur for various reasons, subject the new belief to critical reasoning and confirm, modify, or reject it.</p>
<p>Edward Harrison writes about this in <a href="http://www.creditwritedowns.com/2010/05/spinoza-descartes-and-suspension-of-disbelief-in-the-ivory-tower-of-economics.html"><em>Spinoza, Descartes and suspension of disbelief in the ivory tower of economics</em></a><em>.</em></p>
<blockquote>
<p>Descartes was of the view that people process information for accuracy before filing it away in memory. Spinoza made the opposite claim, that people must suspend disbelief in order to process information. The two competing ideas were put to the test; and it appears that Spinoza was right about the need for na&iuml;ve belief, something that has grave implications for investing, the subject of Montier's essay [from which Harrison quotes at length].</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Harvard psychology professor Daniel Gilbert has pitted Descartes against Spinoza in the laboratory.  The experiments involved giving the subjects information and then immediately subjecting some of the subjects to distractions that, it was hypothesized, would interfere with the second, truth-testing and pruning step.  It worked; more of the distracted subjects believed as true the untrue information.  Harrison accepts the empirical evidence that belief is a precondition to understanding <em>a la</em> Spinoza, but says we have deeper&mdash;he says lizard brain&mdash;resistance to considering challenges to pre-existing beliefs that are important to us.</p>
<blockquote>
<p>What Gilbert, Petty, and Montier have demonstrated is that human beings have to suspend disbelief to process information and make judgments based on that information. Unfortunately, distractions (think bread and circuses) can lead people to believe something is true when in fact it is not &ndash; with grave implications for investing.</p>
<p>However, that's not what happens with strongly-held beliefs at all. I remember talking to my mother about the Montier post, asking her about her own strongly held views on religion. Her answers were interesting because it demonstrated to me an unwillingness to even process information that ran counter to her most cherished and strongly-held beliefs. She admitted this interpretation was correct when we discussed it afterward.&nbsp; Remember what Montier said "in order for somebody to understand something, belief is a necessary precondition." The point was that she didn't even process the information &ndash; such an existential threat it was to her.</p>
<p>Human beings have a very clear view of self and this is strongly intertwined with a belief system which generates what we describe as core values. So, if you attack those core values, you are likely to get <a href="http://www.crystalinks.com/reptilianbrain.html" target="_blank">an irrational and reptilian response</a>. There is no processing of information as I described in "<a href="http://www.creditwritedowns.com/2009/05/through-a-glass-darkly-the-economy-and-confirmation-bias-in-the-econoblogosphere.html">Through a glass darkly: the economy and confirmation bias in the econoblogosphere</a>" going on; the cognitive dissonance is too great. Instead what you get is fear and an irrational defence. This is what my mother described.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Spinoza's view has profound implications everywhere, and certainly in the areas of my greatest interest, economic theory, politics, and education. One implication is that the beliefs one naively accepts as true in the first step of the reasoning process are critically important because many of them are likely never to be re-examined.&nbsp; It would be interesting to know if naive beliefs become more entrenched over time.&nbsp; I suspect they are, especially if they become enmeshed within a "system" of related beliefs.</p>]]></content></entry><entry><title>Save the planet by NOT burning biomass.</title><category term="Environment"/><category term="Global Warming"/><id>http://www.realitybase.org/journal/2010/7/14/save-the-planet-by-not-burning-biomass.html</id><link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.realitybase.org/journal/2010/7/14/save-the-planet-by-not-burning-biomass.html"/><author><name>Skeptic</name></author><published>2010-07-15T02:59:28Z</published><updated>2010-07-15T02:59:28Z</updated><content type="html" xml:lang="en-US"><![CDATA[<p>[Corrected 7/15/10 at 0952.]</p>
<p>One of the things we all "know" about global warming is that if we burn "renewable" biomass instead of coal, we can have clean energy that does not contribute to global warming.  I've been suspicious about that, and then last week <a href="http://solveclimate.com/blog/20100712/all-biomass-not-created-equal-least-massachusetts">this</a> caught my eye:  Massachusetts is revising its rules to disallow to certain biomass combustion plants "green credits" toward the Commonwealth's goal of reducing its carbon footprint.  I decided to do some calculations, and it turns out that burning dead trees and some other biomass sources does <strong>not</strong> <span style="text-decoration: underline;">necessarily</span> reduce CO2 emissions and <span style="text-decoration: underline;">may</span> actually increase<span style="text-decoration: line-through;">s</span> them, at least in the short term.  It's all about inventories of sequestered CO2, as I'll explain.</p>
<p>Assume we have a self-renewing "forest" of 40 trees, each of which sprouted in a different year and each of which will die on its 40<sup>th</sup> birthday (sproutday?).  Assume further that each tree grows at a linear rate and incorporates into its structure 5 tons of CO2 by the day it dies, <em>i.e</em>., 250 pounds per year.  <span style="text-decoration: underline;">Finally, assume that</span> <span style="text-decoration: line-through;">U</span><span style="text-decoration: underline;">u</span>pon its death, each tree decays at a linear rate <span style="text-decoration: underline;">of 500 pounds per year</span>, with the assistance of termites, fungi, and other critters, and 20 years after its death has released all of its CO2 back to the atmosphere.  Thus, while our forest is in this steady state, we have 40 live trees containing an average of 2.5 tons of CO2 each, for a total of 100 tons, and 20 dead trees each containing an average of 2.5 tons of CO2, another <span style="text-decoration: line-through;">100</span> <span style="text-decoration: underline;">50</span> tons.  Our little forest keeps sequestered, year after year, <span style="text-decoration: line-through;">200</span> <span style="text-decoration: underline;">150</span> tons of CO2.</p>
<p>Now, let's build a biomass combustion facility at the edge of our forest.  Each year we will harvest the tree that died that year and burn it to produce electricity, releasing 5 tons of CO2 to the atmosphere.  The trees that died in prior years go on naturally decomposing, but after 20 years they are all gone, and <span style="text-decoration: line-through;">100</span> <span style="text-decoration: underline;">50</span> tons of CO2 formerly sequestered in our stock of dead trees is all back in the atmosphere.  After that, burning each tree as it dies will not further increase the amount of CO2 in the atmosphere, because the rest of the forest assimilates 5 tons per year of CO2.  However, to get to that new steady state we will have destroyed the <span style="text-decoration: line-through;">100</span> <span style="text-decoration: underline;">50</span>-ton CO2 dead-tree sink<span style="text-decoration: line-through;">, the same size as the one in our live trees</span>.  The planet will be worse off by <span style="text-decoration: line-through;">100</span> <span style="text-decoration: underline;">50</span> tons of CO2.</p>
<p>Would the planet nevertheless be better off if the wood burning backed out some coal combustion?  That would clearly be true in the 21<sup>st</sup> and later years after loss of the dead-tree CO2 sink, but what about during those first 20 years?  When wood is burned, it releases less energy than coal because the carbon in wood is already "partially oxidized" from pure C to cellulose, a polymer of glucose (C6 H10 O5) units.  Wood pulp has a higher heating value of <a href="http://www1.eere.energy.gov/biomass/feedstock_glossary.html">7,510 Btu/lb</a> and will release 1.630 lbs of CO2 (1 x 264/162).  Pure carbon, which is responsible for nearly all the energy content in coal, yields <a href="http://books.google.com/books?id=y8VJAAAAIAAJ&amp;pg=PA621&amp;lpg=PA621&amp;dq=heat+of+combustion+pound+of+carbon&amp;source=bl&amp;ots=PNq9CqOV3X&amp;sig=0EPKkzhiVDCZ95rjtLSLldFwUa8&amp;hl=en&amp;ei=_mQ-TIS-JMHknAeqmeSvBQ&amp;sa=X&amp;oi=book_result&amp;ct=result&amp;resnum=3&amp;ved=0CB0Q6AEwAg">14,500 Btu/lb</a> and releases 3.667 lbs of CO2 (1 x 44/12).  Thus, burning wood releases 86% as much CO2 as burning coal for the same energy output, not a very big advantage.  (By similar calculations, one can show that burning natural gas is far better for the planet in the short term than burning dead trees, because natural gas releases only about 56% as much CO2 per unit of energy as does coal.)</p>
<p><span style="text-decoration: line-through;">One general lesson to take away from this model is that, in steady-state conditions, there may be as much CO2 sequestered in dead biomass as in live biomass&mdash;as in any plant the CO2 content goes from zero to maximum and then back to zero.  (If the growth and/or decay processes are non-linear, the two sectors may not have exactly equal CO2 content.) </span><span style="text-decoration: underline;">The dead tree sink could be either larger or smaller than the live-tree sink, depending on rates of growth and decay which, of course, are probably not linear.&nbsp; I assume tree decay is relatively rapid in the tropics and relatively slow in high latitudes.</span> My impression (only an impression&mdash;I haven't done my homework on this) is that some folks consider only the CO2 content of live biomass in their efforts to show project benefits.  Oh, and here's another counter-intuitive fact:  Turning trees into lumber and incorporating them into long-lived structures may be better for the planet than letting the trees die and decay more quickly in their natural habitats.</p>
<p>This analysis does not necessarily indict every "biomass" project.  For example, if barren desert were covered with tanks of cultivated algae to produce biofuels, there would be no destruction of existing sinks of CO2, and the process could be very "climate friendly" if it displaced fossil fuels.  However, one should perhaps compare that project with providing water to the area to develop a self-sustaining forest as a CO2 sink, which might be an even better way to slow down global warming.  I mean only to show that one cannot assume biomass projects are climate friendly&mdash;you have to do your homework and get the accounting right.  Heads up to my friends in northern Michigan: <a href="http://michiganbiomass.com/Update/May2010B.pdf">Traverse City Power &amp; Light is moving ahead</a> with two projects based on biomass from trees.</p>]]></content></entry><entry><title>No living American has experienced unemployment even nearly as bad as now.</title><category term="Economics"/><category term="Employment"/><id>http://www.realitybase.org/journal/2010/7/14/no-living-american-has-experienced-unemployment-even-nearly.html</id><link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.realitybase.org/journal/2010/7/14/no-living-american-has-experienced-unemployment-even-nearly.html"/><author><name>Skeptic</name></author><published>2010-07-14T17:06:03Z</published><updated>2010-07-14T17:06:03Z</updated><content type="html" xml:lang="en-US"><![CDATA[<p>Scott Winship has plotted <a href="http://www.scottwinship.com/1/post/2010/07/how-bad-is-the-job-situation-really.html">here</a> the number of unemployed persons in the labor force divided by the number of advertized job openings from 1951 to 2010.  In good times, there were more advertized job openings than unemployed persons in the labor force.  In bad times, the ratio of unemployed to job openings rose as high as 2.5.  In the Great Recession, the ratio has been 4, 5, and 6.</p>
<p><span class="full-image-block ssNonEditable"><span><img style="width: 550px;" src="http://www.realitybase.org/storage/macroeconomics/unemployed persons per job opening from Scott Winship.jpg?__SQUARESPACE_CACHEVERSION=1279127262194" alt="" /></span></span> In recent months the ratio has started to drop, but at least some of that is because discouraged workers have dropped out of the work force, which they tend to do when their unemployment compensation benefit periods have expired.  Despite this, there is no shortage of Marie Antoinettes, <em>e.g</em>. <a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2010/07/13/tom-corbett-says-the-unem_n_644379.html">this candidate for governor of Pennsylvania</a>, arguing to stop unemployment benefits because they make people stop looking for work.  What?  All six people eligible for that one job stayed on "vacation" and the job went unfilled?  These elitist pols and pundits need to get out of their echo chamber occasionally.</p>
<p>Hat tip to <a href="http://economistsview.typepad.com/economistsview/2010/07/how-bad-is-the-job-situation.html?utm_source=feedburner&amp;utm_medium=feed&amp;utm_campaign=Feed%3A+EconomistsView+%28Economist%27s+View+%28EconomistsView%29%29">Mark Thoma</a>.</p>]]></content></entry><entry><title>JFK on conventional wisdom</title><category term="Epistemology"/><id>http://www.realitybase.org/journal/2010/7/12/jfk-on-conventional-wisdom.html</id><link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.realitybase.org/journal/2010/7/12/jfk-on-conventional-wisdom.html"/><author><name>Skeptic</name></author><published>2010-07-12T19:28:00Z</published><updated>2010-07-12T19:28:00Z</updated><content type="html" xml:lang="en-US"><![CDATA[<p>Yves Smith begins the Introduction to her 2010 book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/ECONned-Unenlightened-Undermined-Democracy-Capitalism/dp/0230620515"><em>ECONned: How Unenlightened Self Interest Damaged Democracy and Corrupted Capitalizm</em></a> with this quotation, attributed to John F. Kennedy:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>The great enemy of the truth is very often not the lie&mdash;deliberate, contrived, and dishonest&mdash;but the myth, persistent, persuasive, and unrealistic.  Belief in myths allows the comfort of opinion without the discomfort of thought.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>I haven't read the book yet, but from skimming the Introduction online it appears her reasons for writing are very much <a href="http://www.realitybase.org/journal/2010/6/14/being-clearer-about-the-realitybase-mission.html">the same as mine</a>. Yves is ex-Goldman, ex-McKinsey, ex-Sumitomo, and has worked 25 years in financial services.&nbsp; I follow her excellent blog <a href="http://www.nakedcapitalism.com/">Naked Capitalism</a>.</p>]]></content></entry><entry><title>America has an industrial policy. Should we change it?</title><category term="Economics"/><category term="Globalization"/><category term="Middle Class"/><id>http://www.realitybase.org/journal/2010/7/11/america-has-an-industrial-policy-should-we-change-it.html</id><link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.realitybase.org/journal/2010/7/11/america-has-an-industrial-policy-should-we-change-it.html"/><author><name>Skeptic</name></author><published>2010-07-12T02:06:54Z</published><updated>2010-07-12T02:06:54Z</updated><content type="html" xml:lang="en-US"><![CDATA[<p>US "<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Industrial_policy">industrial policy</a>" is back in the news after a long, long absence.  Mohamed El-Erian, chief executive and co-chief investment officer of Pimco, wrote about getting <a href="http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/2f50ef78-7fcb-11df-91b4-00144feabdc0.html?ftcamp=rss"><em>beyond the false growth vs austerity debate</em></a> in the Financial Times, which I discussed <a href="http://www.realitybase.org/journal/2010/6/25/neither-keynesian-stimulus-nor-fiscal-austerity-will-solve-o.html">here</a>.  Andy Grove (retired CEO and chairman of Intel) says in <a href="http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2010-07-01/how-to-make-an-american-job-before-it-s-too-late-andy-grove.html"><em>How to Make an American Job Before It's Too Late</em></a><strong> </strong>that we have to emulate the successes of our Asian competitors by adopting policies that create millions of <strong>domestic</strong> jobs, which I discussed <a href="http://www.realitybase.org/journal/2010/7/5/why-does-andy-grove-want-a-trade-war-with-china.html">here</a>.  Michael Spence, winner of the 2001 Nobel memorial prize in economics and chair of the Commission on Growth and Development, says <a href="http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/675c2508-8ac1-11df-8e17-00144feab49a.html?ftcamp=rss">America needs a growth strategy</a>.  <a href="http://economistsview.typepad.com/economistsview/2010/07/america-needs-a-growth-strategy.html?utm_source=feedburner&amp;utm_medium=feed&amp;utm_campaign=Feed%3A+EconomistsView+%28Economist%27s+View+%28EconomistsView%29%29">Mark Thoma reacts</a> with this observation:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>There appears to be a change in thinking underway among economists on these issues, particularly industrial policy. There are some who will oppose this change with all the shrillness they can muster. If this trend continues, and it looks like it will, there will be big fight within the [economist] profession -- more so than now -- about these ideas.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>No doubt, shrill defenders of the status quo will say we have no "industrial policy" now and should never have one because, for a variety of reasons, "governments should not pick winners and losers."  In fact, however, economic activity is a game that requires rules.  Most of the rules need to be, and are, made and enforced by governments.  Rules cannot be neutral but always confer advantages on some participants and disadvantages on others.  We may not wish to call it industrial policy but, whatever we call it, we have one now&mdash;and it's very different from America before the Reagan Revolution.</p>
<p>Today's industrial policy favors capital over labor, the financial economy over the real economy, multinational firms over domestic firms, exploitation of the environment and the commons over conservation and protection, sellers over buyers, oligopolies and big firms with market power over multiple small participants, short term results over long term, speculation over investment, lower incomes and benefits for sole performers instead of higher, entrenched interests over innovators, open borders instead of tariffs and immigration controls, redistribution upward instead of downward, putting elected officials more in the thrall of the highest bidders instead of less.  All that has happened in the last 30 years not just because governments have abdicated some fields but because government policies structure and enforce these outcomes.</p>
<p>We have a definite industrial policy.  The question is whether we want a different one.</p>]]></content></entry><entry><title>Why does Andy Grove want a trade war with China?</title><category term="Free trade"/><category term="Globalization"/><category term="Innovation"/><id>http://www.realitybase.org/journal/2010/7/5/why-does-andy-grove-want-a-trade-war-with-china.html</id><link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.realitybase.org/journal/2010/7/5/why-does-andy-grove-want-a-trade-war-with-china.html"/><author><name>Skeptic</name></author><published>2010-07-05T20:35:21Z</published><updated>2010-07-05T20:35:21Z</updated><content type="html" xml:lang="en-US"><![CDATA[<p>In <a href="http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2010-07-01/how-to-make-an-american-job-before-it-s-too-late-andy-grove.html"><em>How to Make an American Job Before It's Too Late</em></a>, Andy Grove explains that America cannot be an innovation powerhouse if it does not do manufacturing at home and says US policies need to change.  Grove was Intel's chief executive officer or chairman from 1987 until 2005 and is now a senior advisor.</p>
<p>He starts by pointing out that "the great Silicon Valley innovation machine hasn't been creating many jobs of late -- unless you are counting Asia, where American technology companies have been adding jobs like mad for years." He says it matters critically where the hard and expensive work of scaling up an innovation to commercial size is done.</p>
<blockquote>
<p>The underlying problem isn't simply lower Asian costs [for manufacturing and engineering]. It's our own misplaced faith in the power of startups to create U.S. jobs.</p>
<p>. . . .</p>
<p>Startups are a wonderful thing, but they cannot by themselves increase tech employment. Equally important is what comes after that mythical moment of creation in the garage, as technology goes from prototype to mass production. This is the phase where companies scale up. They work out design details, figure out how to make things affordably, build factories, and hire people by the thousands. Scaling is hard work but necessary to make innovation matter.</p>
<p>The scaling process is no longer happening in the U.S. And as long as that's the case, plowing capital into young companies that build their factories elsewhere will continue to yield a bad return in terms of American jobs.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>American tech companies have largely completed the transition to doing the scaling and manufacturing work in Asia, with the result that there are roughly 10 Asian jobs for every American job created for each new product.<span style="background-color: yellow;"> </span></p>
<blockquote>
<p>Until a recent spate of suicides at Foxconn's giant factory complex in Shenzhen, China, few Americans had heard of the company. But most know the products it makes: computers for Dell and HP, Nokia Oyj cell phones, Microsoft Xbox 360 consoles, Intel motherboards, and countless other familiar gadgets.  Some 250,000 Foxconn employees in southern China produce Apple's products. Apple, meanwhile, has about 25,000 employees in the U.S. -- that means for every Apple worker in the U.S. there are 10 people in China working on iMacs, iPods and iPhones. The same roughly 10-to-1 relationship holds for Dell, disk-drive maker Seagate Technology, and other U.S. tech companies.</p>
<p>Since the early days of Silicon Valley, the money invested in companies has increased dramatically, only to produce fewer jobs. Simply put, the U.S. has become wildly inefficient at creating American tech jobs. . . .</p>
<p>Already the decline has been marked. It may be measured by way of a simple calculation: an estimate of the employment cost-effectiveness of a company. First, take the initial investment plus the investment during a company's IPO. Then divide that by the number of employees working in that company 10 years later. For Intel, this worked out to be about $650 per job -- $3,600 adjusted for inflation. National Semiconductor Corp., another chip company, was even more efficient at $2,000 per job.</p>
<p>Making the same calculations for a number of Silicon Valley companies shows that the cost of creating U.S. jobs grew from a few thousand dollars per position in the early years to $100,000 today. The obvious reason: Companies simply hire fewer employees as more work is done by outside contractors, usually in Asia.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Grove calls it a "tragic mistake" to think we can have "highly paid people doing high-value-added work -- and masses of unemployed."  Then he explains why that isn't even possible&mdash;without manufacturing, we will lose our edge in innovation and the high-value jobs too, an extremely important point others have made and I have reported <a href="http://www.realitybase.org/journal/2010/1/2/will-we-bring-back-manufacturing-or-outsource-innovation-too.html">here</a> and <a href="http://www.realitybase.org/journal/2010/5/2/us-government-is-spending-taxpayer-money-to-onshore-jobs-it.html">here</a>.</p>
<blockquote>
<p>There's more at stake than exported jobs. With some technologies, both scaling and innovation take place overseas. Such is the case with advanced batteries. It has taken years and many false starts, but finally we are about to witness mass-produced electric cars and trucks. They all rely on lithium-ion batteries. What microprocessors are to computing, batteries are to electric vehicles. Unlike with microprocessors, the U.S. share of lithium-ion battery production is tiny.</p>
<p>That's a problem. A new industry needs an effective ecosystem in which technology knowhow accumulates, experience builds on experience, and close relationships develop between supplier and customer. The U.S. lost its lead in batteries 30 years ago when it stopped making consumer-electronics devices. Whoever made batteries then gained the exposure and relationships needed to learn to supply batteries for the more demanding laptop PC market, and after that, for the even more demanding automobile market. U.S. companies didn't participate in the first phase and consequently weren't in the running for all that followed. I doubt they will ever catch up.</p>
<p>. . . .</p>
<p>Not only did we lose an untold number of jobs, we broke the chain of experience that is so important in technological evolution. As happened with batteries, abandoning today's "commodity" manufacturing can lock you out of tomorrow's emerging industry.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Why are we doing this?  Because for operating companies and financiers short-term profitability of individual companies trumps every other consideration.</p>
<blockquote>
<p>However, our pursuit of our individual businesses, which often involves transferring manufacturing and a great deal of engineering out of the country, has hindered our ability to bring innovations to scale at home. Without scaling, we don't just lose jobs -- we lose our hold on new technologies. Losing the ability to scale will ultimately damage our capacity to innovate.</p>
<p>. . . .</p>
<p>We got to our current state as a consequence of many of us taking actions focused on our own companies' next milestones. An example: Five years ago, a friend joined a large VC firm as a partner. His responsibility was to make sure that all the startups they funded had a "China strategy," meaning a plan to move what jobs they could to China. . . . [Instead,] VCs should have a partner in charge of every startup's "U.S. strategy."</p>
</blockquote>
<p>To counteract these market-driven impulses, American needs a different industrial policy, says Grove.</p>
<blockquote>
<p>[J]ob creation must be the No. 1 objective of state economic policy. The government plays a strategic role in setting the priorities and arraying the forces and organization necessary to achieve this goal.</p>
<p>. . . .</p>
<p>Long term, we need a job-centric economic theory -- and job-centric political leadership -- to guide our plans and actions.</p>
<p>. . . .</p>
<p>The first task is to rebuild our industrial commons. We should develop a system of financial incentives: Levy an extra tax on the product of offshored labor. (If the result is a trade war, treat it like other wars -- fight to win.) Keep that money separate. Deposit it in the coffers of what we might call the Scaling Bank of the U.S. and make these sums available to companies that will scale their American operations. Such a system would be a daily reminder that while pursuing our company goals, all of us in business have a responsibility to maintain the industrial base on which we depend and the society whose adaptability -- and stability -- we may have taken for granted.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Hat tip to <a href="http://www.nakedcapitalism.com/2010/07/andy-grove-on-the-need-for-us-job-creation-and-industrial-policy.html">Yves Smith</a>.</p>]]></content></entry></feed>